Tunataka kuendelea kulinda uhuru wetu wa mawazo na uhuru wa kujieleza, kwani uhuru huo ni haki yetu. Na uhuru hauna kikomo, wala hakuna wakati tunapoweza kusema uhuru tulionao unatosha. Hapana. Kila hatua inazaa matakwa mapya ya uhuru wa binadamu.

Friday, April 4, 2014

BALAA LA MVUA, RADI NA UPEPO KAMACHUMU



Balaa lililowakumba wakazi wa Bulembo, Kamachumu wilayani Muleba. Wiki iliyopita mvua kubwa ya mawe - hailstorm - iliyoambatana na upepo iliangusha miti, migomba,kubatua mihogo na viazi; na kuezua nyumba katika kata ya Bulembo wilayani Muleba. Kaya zipatazo 800 katika eneo lote lililokumbwa na janga zinahitaji msaada wa chakula na karibu nusu ya hizo zinahitaji makazi. Wataalamu wanasema ni matokeo ya kuwepo "mawingu ya radi" yaliyo karibu na ardhi (cumulonimbus clouds) na kile ambacho wameeleza kuwa hutokea ziwani tu na hata kwenye mito mikubwa (na siyo baharini), ambacho Wahaya huona kinafanana mtu aliyesimama kwa mguu mmoja - "Mugasha" - waterspout! Tuwape pole. Tuwape msaada.

A TEST TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION


 

BELIEVE IT OR NOT:
 
In the midst of the debate on two or three-tier government, MAWIO - a weekly newspaper in Tanzania, published this cartoon. Now the Registrar of Newspapers - MAELEZO - has, through a written communication, queried MAWIO for publishing the cartoon; saying it is either demeaning or insulting. Now the editor has to show cause "why he should not be brought before the law" - a la Tanzania - the law in hands of authority and not in court of law.


Link: www.ndimara.tegambwage.facebook.com

Tuesday, March 25, 2014

Tunalala na maiti ya Muungano bila kujua?

Na Ndimara Tegambwage

WAJUMBE wa Bunge Maalum la Katiba, juzi Jumamosi jijini Dodoma, walishuhudia Chama Cha Mapinduzi kikishinikiza matakwa yake katika utungaji wa Katiba Mpya.

Walimwona Rais Jakaya Kikwete ambaye ni mwenyekiti wa CCM, kwanza akiuma na kupuliza na baadaye akimwaga nyongo na hapa na pale, akitetea na kushinikiza matakwa ya chama chake.

Hakika Rais Kikwete hakwenda Dodoma kufanya ufunguzi wa shughuli za kujadili Rasimu ya Katiba Mpya; bali alikwenda kuweka vijembe, vitisho na msimamo wa chama chake juu ya mambo kadhaa; lakini zaidi juu ya mfumo wa Muungano wa serikali tatu.

Kinachosumbua wengi ni kwamba rais kwanza, ameonyesha kutoona mambo muhimu; na pili, ameonyesha kuwa mwoga.

Rais amekataa kuona kuwa leo hii hakuna Tanzania moja kama ilivyokuwa tangu mwaka 1964. Bali wajumbe wengi na baadhi ya wananchi mitaani wanajiuliza iwapo kweli rais haoni au anafanya ajizi.

Makubaliano ya Muungano ya mwaka 1964 yanaelekeza kuwepo nchi moja inayoitwa Tanzania; na kuwepo serikali mbili – moja ya Zanzibar na nyingine ya Muungano ambayo itakuwa na serikali ya Tanganyika ndani yake.

Utani ambao umekuwa ukisambazwa kimyakimya na kwa miaka mingi shuleni na vyuoni ni kwamba Muungano ulizaliwa “ukiwa na ujauzito.”

Kwahiyo kumekuwa na wanaosema kuna siku Tanganyika itazaliwa na kuwa na serikali yake kama ambavyo Zanzibar ina serikali yake.

Tanganyika haijazaliwa. Lakini Zanzibar ambayo ina serikali yake, imejinyofoa kikatiba kutoka kuwa sehemu ya nchi moja ya Tanzania na kujitam bua, kujitambulisha na kujitangazia mipaka yake na hata kukwangua na kuchukua mamlaka ya Muungano.

Hapa ndipo maelezo ya Tume ya Warioba yanasema, “Katiba imevunjwa.” Imevunjwa mbele ya Rais Jakaya Kikwete. Mbele ya macho yake. Mbele ya kimya chake kana kwamba alikubaliana nao.

Rais Kikwete ama anaogopa kutoa amri kwa Zanzibar kufuta katiba yao; au anaona aibu kushuritisha mabadiliko kwa kuwa yalifanywa – tena kupitia chama chake – na kupitishwa na wajumbe wa Baraza la Wawakilishi walio wanachama wa chama chake; au anaona kama nionavyo, kwamba amri yake haitasikilizwa; haitatekelezwa.

Kwa rais kutoa amri au hata pendekezo analojua kuwa haliwezi kutekelezwa, ni kama jaji kutoa amri ambayo anajua haitekelezeki. Ni kudhoofisha mamlaka, lakini pia ni kukiri kushindwa ambayo ni njia ya kuandika barua ya kuomba kufukuzwa kazi.

Aidha, hatua yoyote ya kulazimisha Zanzibar kubadili walichokwisha kufanya, italeta mgogoro wa kikatiba na kukuza mgogoro wa kisiasa. Nani ana ubavu wa kuhimili migogoro hii? Bali hapa kuna pendekezo:

• kwa kuwa Zanzibar imekwishafanya “utukutu” na siyo rahisi kuikemea;
• na kwa kuwa tayari Zanzibar imekwishapora hata mamlaka ya serikali ya Muungano;
• na kwa kuwa mambo yote yamefanywa mbele ya viongozi wote wa Zanzibar na Muungano bila yeyote kuonyesha kustuka;
• na kwa kuwa hadi sasa hakuna hata onyo au karipio;
• na kwa kuzingatia kuwa mfumo wa Muungano sasa umebadilika kutoka nchi moja na kuwa nchi mbili na serikali mbili;
• na kwa kuwa kumekuwa na madai ya kutaka kutoa serikali ya Tanganyika kwenye “koti” la Muungano;
• na kwa kuwa kuna hoja Zanzibar kuwa nchi hiyo iliungana na Tanganyika na siyo Muungano hivyo kuwepo Tanganyika ndiko kunaipa Zanzibar uhalali;
• na kwa kuelewa kuwa mfumo wa serikali mbili umeshindikana kwa “migogoro isiyoisha;”
• na kwa kuwa imethibitika kuwa watawala wamekuwa wakipanga mambo mengi bila utekelezaji na hivyo kuua Muungano kimyakimya;
• na kwa kuona kuwa watawala wamekuwa wakitoa ahadi za kuondoa kero za Muungano katika miaka 30 bila kuzitekeleza;
• na kwa kuwa imedhihirika kuwa watawala hawako makini na wanachosema na Muungano wenyewe;

Basi, badala ya kuwa na serikali mbili ndani ya nchi mbili, kuwe na serikali nyingine ya tatu itakayokuwa kiungo kikuu cha nchi mbili na serikali mbili za watu walioamua kuwa na Muungano.

Tatizo hapa ni kwamba badala ya kujadili mazingira ya serikali tatu na mustakbali wa Muungano, Rais Kikwete alijikita katika kejeli, kebehi, laana na vitisho. Yote haya yalilenga kusisitiza kile ambacho wamekuwa wakitangaza, “msimamo wa CCM wa serikali mbili.”

Ilifikia mahali rais akafyatua kombora kuwa serikali tatu zitakuwa aghali na kwamba kuna uwezekano wa kukosa hata fedha za kulipa mishahara ya askari. Akatishia kuwa askari wanaweza kuasi na hatimaye wakavua gwanda na kuvaa kiraia na “kuja kugombea.”

Katika mazingira ya Tanzania, mara ngapi askari wamekwenda miezi mingi bila malipo na hakukuwepo dalili wala harufu ya vurugu? Hivi ni vitisho ambavyo havistahili kutoka kwa mkuu wa nchi.

Wananchi wengine ni wazazi, ndugu, watoto na marafiki wa vijana walioko katika majeshi. Wanajua lini wamelipwa na lini hawajalipwa; wanajua nani wanaomba misaada kutoka kwao pale wanapokuwa hawajalipwa. Kampeni hii ya vitisho haiingii akilini.

Bali kuna hoja dhaifu kuwa Muungano utakufa iwapo kutakuwa na serikali tatu. Nionavyo, afadhali ijulikane kuwa Muungano umekufa kuliko kukaa na maiti ya Muungano kwa miaka yote bila wananchi kufahamu; na mpaka Warioba achunguze.

0713 614872
Mwisho
(Imechapishwa katika gazeti la TanzaniaDaima Jumapili, 23 Machi 2014, uk.7) na www.ndimara.tegambwage.facebook.com

Sunday, January 26, 2014

Kiswahili champonza Dk. Lwaitama

Atolewa kwenye ndege, akamatwa na polisi Mwanza

Niliongea na Dk. Azaveli Lwaitama akiwa Mwanza baada ya kuandika maelezo yake kwenye kituo cha polisi cha uwanja wa ndege Mwanza na kuachiwa kwa kilichoitwa "dhamana ya polisi." Anatakiwa kuripoti polisi uwanjani hapo kesho asubuhi kuona iwapo polisi wameamua kumfikisha mahakamani. Nasimulia alivyonisimulia.

Dk. Lwaitama alitoka Dar es Salaam leo asubuhi. Akatua Mwanza. Alikuwa anakwenda Bukoba. Alipanda ndege ya kampuni ileile iliyomtoa Dar es Salaam leo hii - PrecisionAir. Hii ya kwenda Bukoba ilikuwa Na. PW 0492. Alikwenda hadi kwenye kiti chake Na. 2B. Hapa ndipo kuna milango ya dharura kwa pande zote mbili za ndege - kulia na kushoto.

Ndipo akaja mfanyakazi wa ndege. Akamuuliza iwapo anajua Kiingereza. Baada ya mzaha wa kawaida katika kuuliza iwapo ni lazima kujua Kiingereza, ndipo mfanyakazi akamwambia kuwa kama hajui lugha hiyo basi ahame kiti na kukaa kwingine kwani kuna maelezo rasmi ambayo yanatolewa kwa "lugha ya anga" - Aviation Language.

Ilikuwa katika kujibizana kwanini lugha ya anga isiwe lugha ambayo abiria wengi wanaelewa - huku Dk. Lwaitama akisema katika ndege nyingi alizosafiri kote duniani alikokwenda, lugha za anga huwa zile za wasafiri wengi wa eneo husika na lugha nyingine za kimataifa; huku akishauri kuwa maelezo yangekuwa kwa Kiswahili na Kiingereza - ndipo mhudumu alikimbilia mwenzake ambaye naye hakutaka kumsikiliza Lwaitama na wote wawili wakakimbilia kwa chumba cha rubani kushitaki kuwa kuna mtu "anafanya fujo." Tayari Dk. Lwaitama akawa abiria "hatari."

Rubani hakutaka kusikiliza abiria wake anasema nini; hakumuuliza hata mwenzake waliokaa pamoja juu ya fujo alizoripotiwa; alimwambia hawezi kusafiri. Akaita polisi ambao pia hawakuuliza lolote juu ya fujo zake bali walifanya kazi moja ya kumtoa nje mkukuku.

Ni rafiki yake aliyemwita Diallo na mwanaharakati Sungusia ambao anasema aliwapigia simu wampelekee mawakili ili aweze kuandika maelezo yake mbele yao. Mawakili walifika na yeye kuadika maelezo. Mizigo yake imepelekwa Bukoba. Yeye amebaki Mwanza na kompyuta yake ndogo ya mkononi.

Dk. Lwaitama anasema, "Sina mgogoro na kampuni ya PrescisionAir, bali wahudumu ambao hawataki hata kupata maoni ya abiria. Kwanza, walipata bahati ya kuona mtu anahiari maoni moja kwa moja. Pili, kama wanafanya kazi kwenye ndege watakuwa wamesafiri katika ndege za wengine ambako niliyokuwa nayasema ni maneno na vitendo vya kawaida. Sasa fujo ni nini katika hili?

Mwalimu huyo mstaafu wa Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam anasema, "Hata polisi ni wa kushangaza. Mtu anakwambia huyu kafanya fujo, wewe huulizi ni fujo gani. Unambeba tu mzegamzege. Sidhani kama huu nao ni utendaji bora katika nchi iliyohuru; ambako polisi wanapaswa kuwa na utulivu wa akili na kufanya kazi kwa kufikiri kuliko kwa kuambiwa tu."

Dk. Lwaitana anaamkia kituo cha polisi uwanja wa ndege kesho asubuhi kuambiwa "uamuzi wa polisi."

Haikufahamika iwapo mhudumu wa ndege mswahili, aliyekuwa anaongea Kiswahili, hakuwa na tafsiri ya maneno ya Kiingereza ambayo alitaka kumwambia abiria wake.

ndimara.

Saturday, January 18, 2014

VURUGU CHADEMA KUUA HARAKA IMANI YA WANANCHI WENGI

Mbowe: Jenga chama ndani ya umma, acha mahakama

Na Ndimara Tegambwage

JE, kuna haja ya mwenyekiti wa Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), Freeman Mbowe kumburuza Zitto Kabwe mahakamani kwa madai ya kumtuhumu kupokea fedha kutoka kokote kule?

Ushauri: Hakuna haja wala sababu.

Vyombo vya habari vimeripoti wiki hii kuwa Mbowe “anasadikiwa” kuwa na nia ya kumshitaki Zitto Kabwe mahakamani.

Kisa? Eti Zitto, ambaye tayari amenyang’anywa unaibu katibu mkuu wa chama na unaibu msemaji mkuu wa upinzani bungeni, “amemdhalilisha” Mbowe kwa kumtuhumu kuchukua fedha kutoka kwa Nimrod Mkono na Rostam Aziz.

Katika mazingira ya kawaida, kila mwanasiasa anapaswa kujibu tuhuma alizotwishwa. Kujibu na siyo kushitaki.

Kama anayetoa tuhuma amekwenda mahakamani, ni vema kwenda kujibu mahakamani. Kama ametoa tuhuma kupitia redio, ni vema kujibu kupitia redio. Kama ni kupitia televisheni au magazeti, ni muhimu kujibu kupitia hukohuko.

Siku hizi kuna mitandao ya kijamii. Kama tuhuma zimepitia huko, ni vema mtoa tuhuma akajibiwa hukohuko au kupitia chombo ambacho kimenukuu tuhuma za mtandao na kuzichapisha au kuzitangaza. Siyo kushitaki na siyo mahakamani.

Muhimu hapa ni kujibu tuhuma. Ukiwa mwanasiasa na ukatuhumiwa kuwa gari lako limewahi “kukamatwa na nyara za serikali;” fanya hima ujibu. Usipojibu, basi tuhuma inaganda na kudumu.

Ukituhumiwa wizi wa kuvunja benki au kuibia wananchi kupitia miradi yao midogo au mikubwa, jibu haraka na ikiwezekana papohapo au siku hiyohiyo.

Usipojibu, tuhuma inaganda au inatapakaa; utaendelea kutoa mwanya kwa muhusika kusambaza tuhuma kwa shabaha anayojua mwenyewe.

Ukituhumiwa ujangili, hakikisha unajibu haraka na inakuwa kwenye rekodi kuwa ulitoa majibu na majibu thabiti yanayoendana na tabia na mwenendo wako kama unavyoonekana katika jamii.

Usipojibu, tuhuma itaenea na wote waliopata kuisikia watakuwa wakikutazama na kukuona katika sura hiyo ulimochorwa.

Kama jamii haijaelewa na kukubali mienendo ya ushoga, na wewe siyo shoga au ni shoga, ni vema kujibu haraka tuhuma kwamba wewe ni shoga.

Ni vema kuweka msimamo wako katika hilo na kwa wafuasi wako kujua na labda hata kuheshimu au kudharau. Usipojibu, siyo tu utaendelea kudhoofisha wafuasi wako, bali utakosa pia fursa ya kujenga mantiki ya kile ufanyacho au unachosimamia.

Hoja hapa ni kujibu na siyo kushitaki. Hakika hakuna sheria inayozuia mtu kwenda mahakamani na kujibu kwa njia ya kushitaki. Hapana! Bali jambo linalohitaji jibu kupitia njia lilimotokea, halina sababu ya kugeuzwa kuwa shitaka.

Usipojibu uko matatani. Wanaoweka rekodi zako kisiasa ni wengi. Wanaodondosha unyayo wao kila unapotoa wako ni wengi.  Wanaofuatilia kauli zako tangu alfajiri hadi uendapo kitandani ni wengi. Wanaotaka kuchukua nafasi yako ya kisiasa ni wengi pia.

Usipojibu, siku ya siku, ukiwa unatafuta nafasi ya kisiasa, utatwangwa kombora la kile ambacho hukujibu na wakati huo hutaweza kupata majibu ya kuwaridhisha waliokulenga tangu zamani.

Ni kwa msingi huu sharti ujibu tuhuma. Katika hili, Mbowe anaweza kushauriwa na wenzake kuwa hana haja wala sababu ya kwenda mahakamani kumshitaki Zitto. Iko wapi? Kama anayemtuhumu hakwenda mahakamani, yeye anakwenda huko kufanya nini?

Chukua mfano wa Nimrod Mkono, wakili wa mahakama kuu na mbunge wa Musoma Vijijini. Akijibu tuhuma za kutoa mamilioni ya shilingi kwa Mbowe, alisema hajawahi kufanya hivyo. Basi. Rekodi inabaki hiyohiyo hadi zitakapopatikana taarifa tofauti.

Naye Rostam Aziz amejibu kwa kejeli kwamba tangu alipoona kuna “siasa uchwara” katika chama chake (CCM), amekaa kimya na hataki kurejea katikati ya minyukano kupitia madai ya yeye kumpa Mbowe mamilioni ya shilingi.

Hilo nalo linabaki hivyo hadi yatakapopatikana maelezo ambayo yanakinzana na kauli hiyo – na majibu hayo. Kujibu tuhuma na hata malalamiko, ni muhimu katika siasa.

Bali tuhuma za sasa, kutoka kwa mmoja wa waliokuwa viongozi wakuu wa Chadema, zinaweza kuzua mtafaruku mkubwa ndani ya chama tawala: Kwamba viongozi wake wanatoa fedha za kuneemesha chama cha upinzani ili mgombea urais wake ashinde!

Kwamba akishinda iweje? Kwamba wanataka kuhamia upinzani? Kwamba wao ni popo – wamesimama kuwili? Kwamba wanasaliti chama chao, ili iweje? Kwamba wameona mgombea wao anapwaya? Tuhuma hizi zinaweza kuwa zinalenga nini?

Hii ndio maana hata anayejibu tuhuma sharti awe makini. Kwa mfano, tuhuma hizi zinalenga nini: Kuchongea viongozi wa CCM? Ili iweje? Wafukuzwe? Wakifukuzwa itakuwaje nafuu kwa Chadema au faida kwa CCM? Lakini hata bila kufika huko, na hata kama walitoa, ni kweli walitoa kama viongozi wa CCM?

Hapa kuna kitu gani cha kupeleka mahakamani? Hakipo. Ikitokea akawepo wa kusema “twende mahakamani,” anakwenda kusema nini na kwa manufaa ya nani?

Haiwezi kuwa “potelea mbali, acha chombo kizame?” Kama ni hivyo, hoja ya kupeleka mahakamani iko wapi? Na nani hajui mahakama – kwamba hata kama huna hoja na hutaki kushinda; unaweza kutumia uwanja huo kumwaga mchele kwa ajili ya kuku na njiwa na kunguru na tai?

Nani asiyejua kuwa mahakama zinachukua muda mrefu kukata mashauri? Nani hajui kuwa katika mambo ya siasa, na katika chama kilekile; mkondo wa mahakama unaanika uongo ambao wahusika wameapa kutosema?

Yuko wapi asiyejua kuwa katika mazingira ya kihasama –  ndani ya chama kimoja – na hasa katika mwonekano wa wazi wa upande mmoja kupoteza, lazima upande huo uwe na tabia ya “potelea mbali?”

Turejee katika mazingira ya sasa ya Chadema: Nani anaweza kuthibitisha kuwa hivi sasa na kati ya upande wa Zitto na upande wa chama kuna ambaye bado anashikilia kupatikana kwa MWAFAKA, kushikana mikono na kusema “yamekwisha?” Nani?

Tunapofikia hatua ya kutokuwa na matumaini ya kushikana mikono, kukumbatiana na kusema yamekwisha, basi hapo ndipo kila tuhuma inahitajika kujibiwa na hatua ya kwenda mahakamani kupuuzwa; labda kuwe na uhalifu na siyo madai ya jumlajumla tu yanayotokana na minyukano ya kisiasa.

Kuna ukweli kwamba kuandikwa na kutangazwa kila siku katika vyombo vya habari; na hasa kutangazwa kwa ugomvi, malumbano na minyukano mbalimbali kunaweza kuleta kile kinachoitwa “sura mbaya” kwa chama.

Lakini kuandikwa ni bora kuliko kutoandikwa; ambako ni kuwa mfu. Minyukano yenye mwelekeo wa kusafisha safu, yaweza kuanika yaliyofichika ambayo sharti yawe wazi na kuondolewa kwa afya njema ya chama cha siasa.

Kwa kuzingatia haya, hakuna sababu ya Mbowe kwenda mahakamani kutokana na tuhuma zilizotajwa. Azijibu. Zijibike. Wasonge mbele ndani ya CHAMA na ndani ya UMMA; na siyo ndani ya mahakama.

Mwisho
 (imechapishwa katika MAWIO la 16 Januari 2014)

Saturday, December 14, 2013

GRACA MACHEL BILA UKAKASI



 Huyu ndiye Graça Simbine Machel


Name: Machel, Graça Simbine
Born: 17 October 1945, Gaza, Mozambique
In summary: Deputy Director of the Frelimo Secondary School in Tanzania, member of Frelimo's Central Committee and the Minister of Education and Culture in Mozambique, Chairperson of the National Organization of Children of Mozambique, Expert to Chair the Study on the Impact of Armed Conflict on Children and President of the Foundation for Community Development.

Graça Simbine Machel was born on 17 October 1945, in Gaza, Mozambique, the last in a family of six children. Her father, a Methodist minister who had died three weeks before she was born, left explicit instructions that her older siblings were to see her through high school. After that, a church-based scholarship made it possible for her to attend Lisbon University (Portugal) in 1968, to major in languages.

Under surveillance from the Portuguese secret police, she was forced to abandon her education and flee to Switzerland to escape the prison sentence that was almost certainly waiting for her due to her political activities as a student.

In 1973, while she was in Europe she joined the Marxist-based Mozambican Liberation Front (FRELIMO), an organised resistance movement that was steadily gaining ground in the struggle against colonialism from the Portuguese.

When Machel arrived in Tanzania from Europe, she found an efficiently run FRELIMO headquarters operation, as well as storage facilities, supply routes, and two training camps, one run by Chinese instructors, the other by Russians. She underwent military training and learnt how to take an assault rifle apart and put it back together. Subsequently, she spent a short period in Mozambique's Cabo Delgado Province, where she met Samora Machel, the FRELIMO commander who later became her husband.

In September 1975, she married Samora Machel, the first president of newly independent Mozambique. She also became a willing stepmother to her husband's five children by his first companion, Sorita, and his first wife, Josina, who had died of leukaemia in 1971, after scarcely two years of marriage. Samora and Graca Machel have two children of their own.

During the war for independence from the Portuguese rule, FRELIMO set up schools in liberated territories and within their training camps in neighbouring Tanzania. Machel participated in the armed struggle, and she was appointed Deputy Director of the Frelimo Secondary School at Bagamoyo, Tanzania, in 1974.

When Mozambique became independent and FRELIMO formed the country’s first government in 1975, Machel became a member of Frelimo's Central Committee and the Minister of Education and Culture. As Minister for Education until 1989, Graça Machel worked to implement FRELIMO's goal of universal education for all Mozambicans. From 1975 to 1985, the number of students enrolled in primary and secondary schools rose from about 40 percent of all school-aged children to over 90 percent for males and 75 percent for females.

Machel is recognised for her dedication to educating the people of Mozambique, and for her leadership in organisations devoted to the children of her war-torn country. She has been a major force in increasing literacy and schooling in Mozambique and has spoken of the needs and rights of children, families and community, from platforms all over the world.

Following President Machel’s death in a plane crash on 19 October 1986, she resigned her post as Minister of Education, leaving behind a sterling record-1.5 million children in school, as against 400,000 when she had arrived. As Minister of Education to the new government, she was able to reduce the illiteracy rate by 72%.

Machel has striven for peace and reconciliation in her country, and has attempted to further Mozambique's reconstruction and development efforts. As President of the Foundation of Community Development, she has facilitated greater community access to knowledge and technology and patterns of sustainable human development.

In recognition of the particular devastation of war on children, Machel became Chairperson of the National Organization of Children of Mozambique, an organization that places orphans in village homes while reinforcing the role of the family and community in the healing process. Machel worked closely with families in her efforts to rehabilitate children, and to empower Mozambican women.

Machel has also participated in international fora, as a delegate to the 1988 UNICEF conference in Harare, Zimbabwe, and as the President of the National Commission of UNESCO in Mozambique. In addition to her many contributions, Machel also served on the international steering committee of the World Conference on Education for All, held in 1990.

As chair of Mozambique's National Organization of Children and president of the country's UNESCO commission, Machel was asked to chair a study to assist young victims of Mozambique’s civil war that was published by the United Nations (UN) on 11 November 1996. Machel's recommendations for rehabilitation called on UNICEF to begin resettling all displaced children, and to start funds specifically for their re-education. Machel's report also focused on landmines. Her report endorsed the idea that humanitarian mine clearance should become a routine part of all peace agreements, and that the countries, which have profited from the manufacture and sale of these lethal weapons should bear the huge cost of their removal.

She was appointed by the Secretary General of the United Nations as an Expert to Chair the Study on the Impact of Armed Conflict on Children. The Study on the Impact of Armed Conflict on Children, the first of its kind in the history on the United Nations, demonstrated to the world community the necessity of adopting effective measures for the promotion and protection of the rights of the children who are victims of armed conflicts, and to stimulate much greater international action to this end.

Machel is President of the Foundation for Community Development (FDC), a not‐for‐profit organisation,she founded in 1994. FDC makes grants to civil society organisations to strengthen communities, facilitate social and economic justice and assist in the reconstruction and development of post war Mozambique.

In the 1990s, the friendship between Graca and Nelson Mandela, President of South Africa, whom Machel has known since her husband's death deepened. The couple married on 18 July 1998.

Over the years, Machel has gained international recognition for her achievements. Her many awards include the Laureate of Africa Prize for Leadership for the Sustainable End of Hunger from the Hunger Project in 1992 and in 1995 the Nansen Medal in recognition of her contribution to the welfare of refugee children. She has received the Inter Press Service’s (IPS) International Achievement Award for her work on behalf of children internationally, the Africare Distinguished Humanitarian Service Award and the North-South Prize of the Council of Europe, among others.

In 2008, the University of Barcelona, Spain, awarded a Doctor Honoris Causa to Machel. She has served on the boards of numerous international organisations, including the UN Foundation, the Forum of African Women Educationalists, the African Leadership Forum and the International Crisis Group. Among her many commitments, she is Chair of the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization Fund, Chancellor of the University of Cape Town, South Africa and a Panel Member of the African Peer Review Mechanism.